डेरावाला घरवेटीका पाहुना डेरावाला

डेरावाला घरवेटीका पाहुना डेरावाला


कति सपनाका बोकेर उड्नेहरु

कति समय परिस्थिति अनि भाग्यले डोहो¥याएर भौतारिनेहरु

युरोप एउटा सपनाको संसार 

गाउँघरबाट सपनाको ढाकार बोकेर 

उडेकाहरु धेरैको 

अडिने ठाउँ, विसाउने ठाउँ ..पोर्तुगल...

यस आलेखमा देश छोडेर प्रदेशिएका नेपालीहरुले आफुसँगै बोकी ल्याएका अलिकति तितो, अलिकति रमाइलो लाग्ने विषय खासगरी सामाजिक सञ्जाल हुँदै समचारहरुमा पनि हट केक विषय बनाउने गरेका पोर्तुगलका अपार्टमेष्ट भाडामा लिएर रुम सेयरिङ्गमा भाडामा लगाउने नेपाली नव घरबेटी र उनिहरुकैमा डेरामा बस्ने अनि उनिहरुकै उछितो खन्नेर नअघाउने, नथाक्ने सामाजिक सञ्जालमा रोइलो मच्चाउने पाहुना डेरावालाहरुका विषय बहस उठाउने दुष्प्रयास गर्नेछु । 


पृष्ठभूमी

पोर्तुगलमा नेपाली अप्रबासीहरुको अगमन सन् ९० को दशकबाट शुरुभएको देखिन्छ । सन् १९९६मा पोर्तुगलको नागरिक्ता पाएका कुमार श्रेष्ठका अनुसार पोर्तुगलको नागरिक्ता पाउने पहिला नेपाली हुन् । “आप्राबासीहरुका कथा” भन्ने शीर्षकमा गरिएको अनुसन्धानको क्रममा श्रेष्ठसँग कुराग्राफी गरेको थिएँ । श्रेष्ठका अनुसार ९०को दशकसम्म नेपालीहरु एराइभल भीषामा जर्मन आएर काम गर्न पाउने रहेछ । तर सन् १९९२÷९३ तिर जर्मन सरकारले भिषा र वर्क प्रमिट नभएका नेपालीहरुलाई इलिगल भनेर नेपाल डिर्पोट गर्न थालेपछि जो जससँग कागज नभएकाहरु कि त नेपाल जाने कि त अरु गन्तब्य खोज्न थाले । यसै क्रममा उनि पोर्तुगल आइपुगेका रहेछन् । १९९६ को क्रिसमसलाई सम्झदै हामी लिस्बोनमा १३ जान नेपाली भेला भएर मनाएका थियौं । 


नेपाल सरकारको वैदेसिक रोजगार विभागको वेवसाइटमा पोर्तुगललाई वैदेसिक रोजगारीको लागि स्विकृति प्राप्त देशहरुको सूचीमा सूचीकृत गरेको देखिन्छ । नेपाल माइग्रेशन रिपोर्ट २०२०मा उल्लेख भए अनुसार आधिकारिक रुपमा ९ वटा एजेन्सिहरुले नेपालबाट पोर्तुगल मनपावर सप्लाई गर्ने गरेको रहेछ । यस बाहेक यूरोपियन यूनियनका विभिन्न देशहरु  विविध भिषाहरुमा आएका नेपालीहरु लगायत केहि अवैधानिक रुपमा पनि नेपालीहरु पोर्तुगल आइपुग्ने गरेकोछन् । 


सन् २०१० तिरबाट पोर्तुगलमा नेपाली आप्रबासीहरुको संख्या बाक्लो बढेको पाइन्छ । इरासमुसका विद्यार्थी मनिका बज्रचार्य (२०१५) का अनुसार सन् २०००सम्ममा पोर्तुगलमा रेसिडेन्स प्रमिट पाउने २ जना नेपालीहरु थिए। सन् २०१५सम्ममा ४७८९ नेपालीहरुले रेसिडेन्स पाएका रहेछन् । पोर्तुगलको आप्राबासी मामिला हेर्ने सर्भिसो दे इष्ट्रेन्जरियो ए फ्रण्तेइरास (सेफ)को तथ्याङ्ग अनुसार सन् २०१९सम्ममा १६८४९ नेपालीले पोर्तुगलको रेसिडेण्स प्रमिट लिइसकेको देखाउछ । पोर्तुगलको इडिकेटरर्स अफ इण्टिग्रेसन अफ इमिग्राण्टस् एनुअल स्टाटिस्टिकल रिपोर्ट २०१९ का अनुसार सन् २०१८ मा पोर्तुगलमा नेपाली आप्रबासीको संख्या १४१.२ प्रतिसतले बढेको रहेछ । रेसिडेन्स प्रमिट लिइएकाहरुको मात्रै आधिकारिक तथ्याङ्ग सेफबाट पाइने भएकोले हाल पोर्तुगलमा बसोबास गर्ने नेपालीहरुको संख्या ३० हजारभन्दा बढी भएको अनुमान सामाजिक अभियान्ताहरुको रहेको पाइन्छ । पोर्तुगलमा हाल भैरहेको जनगणनाको रिपोर्ट प्रकाशित भएपछि भने पोर्तुगलमा बसोबास गर्ने नेपालीहरको आधिकारिक तथ्याङ्ग आशा गर्न सकिन्छ । 


घरभाडा

पोर्तुगलमा आप्राबासीहरु जो एक्लै आएर पोर्तुगलको आप्राबासी नियमनको प्रक्रियामा हुन्छन् । उहिहरुका शुरुवाति चरणमा कामकाजको चाँजोपाँजो नहुने हुनाले खर्चमा मितव्ययिता अपनाउनु पर्ने हुन्छ । खासगरि एसियन आप्राबासीहरुलाई भाषाको समस्याले जटिल बनाउने गरेकोछ । अन्य पोर्तुगली औपनिवेसीक मुलकहरुबाट आउने आप्राबासीहरुको भाषाको पहुँचले उनिहरु पोर्तुगली श्रम बजारमा छिटो पहुँच राख्न सक्छन् । 


नेपालीहरुले साधरणतयः व्यत्तिगत सम्पर्कको आधारमा पोर्तुगिज निजि घरधनीहरुसँग फ्ल्याट भाडामा लिने गरेको पाइन्छ । अधिकांश नेपालीहरुले घरभाडामा लिनुपर्ने मुख्य कारण भनेको फेमेली रियूनियन इन्भाइटेसन गर्नका लागि सेफले घरभाडाको सम्भौता पत्र खोज्ने भएकोले फ्ल्याट घरभाडामा लिएका रहेछन् । कोभिड १९को महामारीभन्दा अगाडी लिस्बोनमा घरभाडामा पाउनु मुस्किल थियो । कतिले त घर खोज्ने दलाल पनि लागएका रहेछन् । 


प्रायः पोर्तुगिज घरधनीले घरभाडामा बस्नेसँग ३ महिनाको अग्रिम बचत लिनेगरेका रहेछन् । महिना शुरुहुने पहिलो दिनदेखि पहिलो सातासम्ममा अग्रिम भाडा बुझाउनु पर्ने, घरभाडामा लिने व्यक्तिसँग पोर्तुगलको रेसिडेन्स प्रमिट हुनुपर्ने र कम्तिमा २ जना पोर्तुगिज रेसिडेन्स कार्ड भएका व्यक्तिहरु साँक्षी राख्नु पर्ने तथा बार्षिक भाडा बृद्दिदार कायम गरि, मर्मतसम्भार भाडावालाले वेहोर्ने सर्तहरु सहित साधारणतयः एक बर्षे, तीन बर्षे र पाँच बर्षे घरभाडा सम्भौता पत्र बनाएर दिने रहेछन् । साधारणतयः लिस्बोनमा फ्ल्याटको भाडा टि जिरोको  ३५० देखि टि फोरको १२०० सम्म पर्ने रहेछ । 


बिजुली, पानी र अन्य उपयोगजन्य पूर्वधारहरु डेरावालाले घरभाडाको  सम्झौता पत्र लिएर सम्बन्धित कार्यलयमा गएर निवेदन गरी सेवा लिनुपर्ने रहेछ । 


डेरावाला घरधनी

पोर्तुगलमा नेपाली डेरावाला घरधनीहरुको ज्यादती सामाजिक सञ्जाल हुँदै अनलाइन समाचारहरु तिर पनि ‘हट केक’ बन्न थालेपछि पोर्तुगलमा फ्ल्याट भाडामा लिएर बस्ने र आफु बसेर बाँकी खाली कोठाहरु सेयरिङ्ग भाडामा लगाउने केहि डेरावाला घरबेटीहरुसँग कुराग्राफी गरेको थिएँ । 


तपाइँ डेरावाला की घरबेटी? भन्ने प्रश्नमा विगत १० बर्षदेखि लिस्बोनको मार्टिम मुनिजमा फ्ल्याट भाडामा लिएर बसेका मनबहादुर (नाम परिवर्तन) भन्छन् : "त्यो बेला घर पाउनु एकदमै गाह्रो थियो । पाए पनि कामको टुङ्गो नभएकोले भाडा तिर्नु गाह्रो थियो । त्यो बेला नेपालीहरु थोरै थिए । अहिले जस्तो सेयरिङ्गमा बस्ने मान्छे पाउनु पनि गाह्रै थियो । करिब २ बर्षसम्म फ्ल्याटको भाडा एक्लै तिरें । २०१२ तिर आउने नेपाली साथीभाइहरुलाई बस्न दिएँ । कुनै बेला त ६, ७ जना पनि एउटै रुममा खाँदिएर बसियो । कतिको काम थिएन । ल्याएको खर्च पनि सकिहाल्यो । साथीभाइले पछि सम्झिन्छन् भनेको कामकाज पाएर आफु सेटेल भएपछि कतिले त अजकल चिन्नै छोडे ।" 


कतिपयलाई भने वाध्यताले पनि फ्ल्याट घरभाडा लिनु परेको रहेछ । विगत ६ बर्ष देखि स्थाफानियामा फ्ल्याट भाडामा लिएका दिलमाया (नाम परिवर्तन) भन्छन् : "म पहिले अरुकोमा बस्थें । पहिले म बसेको फ्ल्याट भाडाधनी भने अलि कर्कस थिए । एकदमै सानो चित्तको, एक चम्चा नुनको पनि हिसाब राख्ने । पछि यो घरमा भाडामा मै बस्न आएँ । त्यो बेलाका यो फ्ल्याट भाडामा लिने मान्छे बाहिर बस्ने भएकोले घरको रेखदेख हरहिसाब सबै मलाई नै जिम्मेवारी दिए । पोतुगिज घरधनीले यो घरभाडामा लिने फलानो खै? मैले उस्लाई भाडामा दिएको हो। तिमिहरु यो घरबाट निक्लेर गैहाल भनेर जा कि जा भन्न थाल्यो । भाषा पनि नबुझ्ने खै के के भन्यो, भन्यो कराएको कराएै ग¥यो । अनि अर्को दिन आएर तेरो नाममा घर कन्ट्याक बनाउछस कि छाडेर जान्छस? भन्यो । छाडेर कहाँ जानु । अनि मेरो नाममा घरभाडा बनाएर ल्याइदियो । पछि पुरानो नेपाली आएर मेरो घर हडाप्यो भनेर निहू पनि खोज्यो । घर भाडामा त लियो सेयरिङ्ग बस्ने मान्छे नपाइने । बस्न आउनेहरु पनि काम छैन भन्दै अर्को अर्काे महिना भन्दै कतिले त म काममा गएको बेला नतिरी भागेर गए । आजकल बाहिर तिर तर्केर हिड्छन् । जम्काभेट भयो भने अकमक्किन्छन् । बाटो बाटो जतासुकै उधारो भाडा ले कि ले भन्नु पनि सक्दिन । बुझेर तिर्छन भनेको कहाँको तिर्नु ।" 


घरभाडा खोज्नुको पिडा, रमेश (नाम पनिवर्तन) विगत ३ बर्षदेखि अलमेदामा फ्ल्याट भाडामा लिएर बाँकी स्पेस भाडामा लगाएका रहेछन् । अलि कडक स्वभावका उनि भन्छन् : "त्यो बेला घरभाडामा पाउनु साह्रै गाह्रो थियो । फेमेली एप्लाई गर्नका लागि घर कन्ट्रयाक चाहिन्छ भन्यो । घर खोज्ने दलाललाई १०० यूरो दिएर खोजेको । आफूलाई चाहिएर आफैले आँटेर घरभाडामा लिएको हो । आफ्नो घर भएपछि साथीभाइहरु आउँछन् । बस्ने ठाउँ छैन भन्छन् । बस्न दियो । कोहि केहि दिन बस्छन् । एकदुई बस्नेलाई पाहुना नै मानियो । कोहि महिनौ बस्न थालेपछि लौ भाडा पनि सहयोग गर भनियो । खाली भएको रुममा लौ न त कसैलाई सहज हुन्छ भनेर भाडामा दिएको । खासगरि नयाँ आएका र सिङ्गललाई यस्तो रुममा बस्नुको विकल्प छैन । नत्र यहाँको एउटाको तलबले आफै घरभाडामा लिएर एक्लै बस्नु सम्भव नै छैन । एउटै घरमा बस्दा तितामिठा त भइहाल्छ नि । अप्ठ्यारो साह्रोगाह्रोमा बास दिएको, हामीले खाली स्पेश भाडामा दिएर आफ्नो गुजारा चलाएको गुन विर्षेर फेशबुक र सामाजिक मिडियामा घरबेटी र सेटी नानभाँती भन्दै उफ्रिन्छन् बैगुनीहरु । घरभाडामा लिएर भाडा सेयरमा लगाउने सबै राम्रा छन् भन्दिन । कतिपयको त्यहि व्यापार पनि होला । तर यूरोप हो । मेरोमा बस्न आइज कि आइज भनेर कसैले कसैलाई करकाप गर्नु मिल्दैन । मेरैमा बस कि बस यहाँबाट काँहि जानु पाउँदैनस भन्नु पनि मिल्दैन । जान्ने बुझ्ने, हिम्मतहुनेले राम्रो खोजेर बसे त भैगो नि । आफै घर लिएर बसे भै गो नि । घरवालाले त्यतिको पैसा लुटेको देख्नेले आफुले पनि त्यसरी नै पैसो कमाए नि भयो । आफुले घर भाडामा लिनु नसक्ने । जे जस्तो भए पनि हुन्छ भनेर चेपिएर, घुस्रिएर, टाँसिएर बस्ने, रुम छाडिदेउ भन्दा पनि ओगोटेर बस्ने अनि जस्को घरको बास उसैको रक्ष्यानको सत्यनास लाज सरम पचेकाहरु । घरभाडामा खोज्नु, ३ महिनाको अग्रिम बचत राख्नु, जमानी बसिदिने मान्छे खोज्नु, के के को बील कहिले कहिले आउँछ । छोड्नु परे के के झन्झट छ । होस्टेलमा जस्तो दुइचार महिना बस्यो अनि विरालोले गुँड सारे जस्तो सार्नेले घरबेटीको कुरा काट्नु भनेको कुमारी केटीले बच्चाको आमालाई सुत्केरी व्याथा सुनाए जस्तो मात्रै हो ।"  


खाली घर र चञ्डाल भाडावाला इन्तिदेन्तमा ४ बर्ष देखि घर भाडामा लिएर बसेका माया (नाम परिवर्तन) भन्छिन् : "आफूलाई चाहिएर भाडामा लिएको । घर पाउनु कम्ति मुस्किल थियो । २ बर्ष खोजेर बल्ल पाएको । भाडा धेरै हुन्छ । पोर्तुगलको कमाइ त्यहि हो । बाँकी भएका रुमहरु भाडा सेयरिङ्ग गर्ने पाए हुन्थ्यो भन्ने हुन्छ । जे भए पनि आफु बसेको ठाउँ हो । सबैले आफ्नो घर सम्झेर सरसफाइ गरौ । होहाल्ला नगरौ भन्छु । भाडामा बसेपछि भाडा तिरेको छु भनेर होटेलमा जस्तो सुविधा खोज्छन् । सरसफाइ कहिले गर्दैनन् । घरका सामानहरु विग्रियो भाँचियो भने चलाउने त सबैले हो नी ।  सफाइ, मर्मतसम्मतको जिम्मा चाँहि फ्ल्याट भाडामा लिनेको मात्रै जस्तो गर्छन् । लु त्यो पनि ठिकै छ । अभरै प¥यो भनेर दुःख देखाउनेलाई आफुसँगै कोचिएर पनि बसियो । आफ्नो मान्छे आउँदा पनि भाडा तिरेर बस्नेहरुलाई डिस्टर्व नगरी आफै साँधुरो गरेर बसें । अनि लु मेरो आफन्त आए तपाइँहरु कोठा खोजिदिनु भनेर २ महिनाको समय दिएर कोठा खोज्नु लागाएको आठ दश महिनासम्म अटेर गरीबसे ।  जा कि जा भन्नु पनि कसरी अनि अर्को महिना सर्ने भनेपछि १५ अगाडी एउटा भाडामा बस्नेको कोठामा मेरो मान्छे एक्जस्ट गराएको त भाडा तिर्ने बेला त भाडा मिलाउने होला नी पो भन्छ ? हैन के को भनेको मसँग तपाइँको मान्छे बसेपछि म किन पुरै तिर्नु? पो रे । तेरिमा ठाँस्ने तलाइँ एक बर्ष अगाडी रुम खाली गर भनेको एकबर्ष बसिस मैले केहि भने ? अहिले १५ दिन तेरोमा अर्को मान्छे राखेको तलाइँ भाडा घटाइदिनु पर्ने ? भाडा सेयर गरेर मेरोमा राखिदिनु नि त भनेर एक बर्ष अगाडी भन्नु सक्थिनस त तेरो मुख सिलाएको थियो ? भनेर कराएँ । शुरुशुरुमा दःुख हुँदा, काम नहुँदा चिप्लो घसेर बस्न देउदेउ भन्छन् । कोहि कमाए पछि दिन्छु भन्दै इँच्च गर्छन् । एकछिन करायो के गर्नु पैसो जस्तो कुरो हगेहग मुतेमुत भनेर पनि कहाँबाट ल्याओस विचरा भनेर आफै एता र उता कागज बनाउनु साघायो, काम खोजिदियो, अनि काममा जाने खर्च दिइ पठायो । पैसा त तिरेन तिरेन उल्टै कुरा काट्दै हिडछन् बेज्जतीहरु ।"  


पाहुना डेरावाला

अब पोर्तुगलमा फ्याल्ट भाडामा लिने नेपालीहरुका खाली रुम भाडामा लिने नेपालीहरुको कुरा पनि त सुनौं जो सामाजिक मिडियाहरुमा आफै बसेको घरबेटीको खैह्रो खानेर आफ्नो हिरोगिरी देखाउँछन् । 


डेरा गरी बस्ने अनि आफै बसेको घरबेटीको उछितो खन्ने यो कस्तो संस्कार हो ? के तपाइँहरुलाई नेपाली घरबेटीले करकाप, बन्देज, छेकथुन गरेर जर्वजस्ति उनिहरुको फ्ल्याटमा भाडामा राखेर शोषण गर्छन हो ? भन्ने प्रश्नमा ग्रासामा नेपाली घरबेटीकोमा रुम सेयरमा बस्ने मालती (नाम परिवर्तन) भन्छन् : "हैन, त्यस्तो त कहाँ गर्नु पाउनु नि यूरोपमा । तर घरबेटी भाडावालभन्दा पनि मान्छे राम्रो नराम्रो होला । म भने विगत २ बर्षदेखि एउटै घरमा बसिरहेको छु । माल्टाबाट आएपछि करिब एक महिना जति होस्टेल बसें अनि यहाँ रुम पायो । घरवाला दाइभाउजुसँग एउटै परिवार भएर बसेको छौ । रिस उठे बाझे पनि एकछिनमा मिलिहाल्छौ ।" 


पवन (नाम परिवर्तन) मस्काभिडमा २ महिना अगाडी रुम लिएका रहेछन् । उनि पहिले गाउँले दाइ भाउजुसँग मार्टिमुनिज बस्ने रहेछन् । दाइभाउजू यूके गएपछि उनि कामको पाएक रुम भाडामा लिएका रहेछन् । "अब पहिले आफ्नै घर जस्तो थियो । त्यस्तो त कहाँ हुन्छ । नयाँ मान्छेसँग । त्यो पनि एक्लो मान्छे काममा गयो आयो, पकायो खायो यस्तै हो । कहिले काँहि कामबाट आउँदा ढिलो हुन्छ । अरुलाई डिस्र्टव हुन्छ जस्तो लाग्छ अनि अलिअलि केहि खायो सुत्यो । खासै त्यस्तो किचकिच र कराउने त छैन तर सकेसम्म अरुको गाली सुन्नु नपरोस भन्ने लाग्छ । खै अव आफुले हेरेर दाम दर समहतीले बसेको के शोषण ग¥यो भन्नु । पैसा तिरेर बस्ने हो । भनेको जस्तो भएन । मनमुटाव भयो भने अर्को रुम खोज्ने नि यहि बस्नु पर्छ भन्ने छैन । उनलाई पनि मेरो कारण केहि अप्ठ्यारो भयो भने जाउ भन्न पाए । केहि असमझदारी भयो भने सम्बन्धित मान्छेसँग कुरा गरेर समाधान गर्ने नि सामाजिक सञ्जालमा भुकेर के पाउनु ।" 


रामो (नाम परिवर्तन) अलकान्त्रामा करिव ४ महिना बसेर खेतिमा फर्किने तयारीमा रहेछन् । "म खेतिमा काम गर्छु । अहिले अफ सिजन भएकोले फुन्दो (वेरोजगारी भत्ता) दिएकोछ । अनि एता आएर बसेको अव अर्को हप्ताबाट काम खेतिको काम शुरुहुन्छ अनि एताको रुम छोडेर उता जाने । होस्टेल बस्नु भन्दा सस्तो र सहज हुन्छ । होस्टेलमा सेयरिङ्गमा बस्दा पनि रातको न्यूनतम् १५ यूरो लिन्छन् । त्यहि माथी सेयरिङ्गमा बस्न आउने मान्छे पनि चेन्ज भै रहन्छन् । रुम लियो आनन्द । लामो समय बस्ने भए पो घरभाडामा खोज्नु । अफसिजनमा केहिमहिनाको लागि एउटा रुम लियो भैहाल्छ । खै, मलाई त एतै ठिक लागेर बसेको । मन नपरे त छेड्ने अर्को खोज्ने नी । नेपाली मान्छेहरु नेपालीको भनेपछि अलि हेप्छन् अनि कुरा बनाउँछन् । यहाँ पोर्तुगिजकोमा अरु विदेशीसँग बसोस त स्वास पनि फेर्दै जे भने पनि सिं.. सिं.. ओके.. ओके.. गर्छन् । घरवेटी न भाडावाला यिनका फुर्ती नेपालीको अगाडीमात्रै हो ।" 


अन्त्यमा : विगतको दशकदेखि पोर्तुगलमा नेपाली आप्राबासीहरुको संख्यामा चरम बृद्धि भएको तथ्याङ्कहरुसँगै नेपाली समूदायका सामाजिक विकृतीहरुको पनि उल्लेख्य वृद्धि भएको छ । पछिल्लो समय खासगरि धोकाधडी, बेइमानी, चप्लुसी, अनियमिता जस्ता समचारहरुको व्यापक वृद्धि भएको पाइन्छ । 


धेरै नेपालीको यूरोपे सपनाको विसौनी पोर्तुगल, जहाँ नेपाली आप्राबासीहरुलाई सामाजिक समाबेसिता र अन्तरघुलनमा पोर्तुगिज भाषा मुख्य बाधक बन्ने गर्छ । यसर्थमा पोर्तुगल आइपुग्ने नयाँ नेपालीहरु, पोर्तुगिज आप्रावासी नियमनका लागि आवेदन गरिबसेका लगायत पोर्तुगिज रेसिडेन्सि र काम भएकादेखि परिवारै भएकाहरुले पनि यहाँको थोरै तलबले व्यवस्थापन गर्नेकालागि रुम सेयरिङ्गमा बस्नु पर्ने बाध्यता छ । आफै बसेको घरमा आगो लगाएर ताप्नु अथवा आफैसँग एकाघरमा घरमा बस्नेलाई नै लुटिखानु के नैतिक्ता होला ?


पोर्तुगल स्वतन्त्रताको सम्मान गर्ने यूरोपेली देश हो । कोहि कसैलाई करकापमा, छेकबन्देज गरेर, जर्वजस्ति भाडामा राख्नु या बस्नु पाइदैन । सहमतिले दररेट र सर्त मन्जुरीले भाडा लिने, दिने विच एकाघरमा सानोतिनो मनमुटाव, खटपट हुनु सामान्य हो । केहि समस्याहरु भए सम्बन्धित व्यक्तिहरु जो जससँग संवन्धित छ । पिडित र पिडकले सम्बन्धित निकायमा समाधान खोज्नु बेस होला । कोहि कसैको व्यक्तिगत कुण्ठा, आक्रोशलाई यावत शीर्षकहरु जोडेर घरबेटी र भाडावाला विशेष्णत्मक यो वा त्यो समास बनाई चरित्र राक्षसीकरण गर्ने दुष्प्रयास नगरौ । यसले सामाजिक दुषित फैलाउँछ ।

***


RASKSI- Multifuctional meaning of homemade beverage in indigenous communities

Fieldwork-2018

Raksi is an indigenous technique to distilling alcoholic beverages. Homemade raksi using malted beer. The three-story structure will build to make Raksi from the homemade malted beer. i, Phoshi, the bottom of the vessel, homemade beer  and a certain level of contains into the Phoshi; when firewood hits the bottom of the vessel, the boiling solution vapurates. ii, Paini — the structure's middle level; the vessel's bottom has holes that allow steam to pass through.  iii, Nani - the small pot located inside the Paini that will hold the distilled Raksi. iv. Bata - a conical jar, traditionally manufactured by copper. The steam from the bottom vessel is distilled in an apex of cold water placed on top of the structure. A mixture of cow dung and clay and a wet cloth was used to seal off the gap between the vesseles.

The process

The Jand (malted beer) putting into the Phoshi and adding a level of the of water then the Phoshi would placed on the hearth, on the top of the Phoshi palaced by the Paini, the Nani placed into the Paini, the gap bettween Phoshi and Paini must be sealed by the misture of the cow dung and clay, and the Bata palced on the top of the the Paini. the gap between Paini and the Bata must be sealed by a moist cloth. The Bata contains full of cold water. 


The process begins when the heat from the fire on the bottom of the Phos
hi,  hit boils the solution and evaporates. resulting in the evaporation of steam, which then passes through the holes in the Paini and into the Bata, caintaining cold water into the Bata the surface of the bata would be cold, seam transform into sweat, resulting the cycle of the distilled water that would collected into the Nani. Pane- the number of changing cold water into the Bata. The term "Tin pane," it refers that the Raksi was made with the three water changing time. The Pane is considered as the standard of the "Raksi." For instance less number of the changing water means the high quality of the production of the Raksi.


Raksi is a widely used alcoholic beverage among indigenous people.
 Raksi's typical roles may include the following:

1.      Raksi as an offering to their gods. It plays a significant role in many indigenous birth-to-death ceremonies.

2.      Raksi as a welcome drink - among indigenous communities, a warm welcome is often marked by the consumption of Raksi (sagun) or the presentation of Raksi (Koseli) as a gift.

3.      Raksi as a Khaja (breakfast/energy drink) among  workers/labors

4.    Raksi to mark special occasions by sipping it "like a cocacola" to show their appreciation.

5.     Raksi used as medicine by indigenous peoples, who have found success treating a variety of illnesses.

6.      Indigenous women traditionally sold Raksi in marketplaces and other venues to supplement their income. 


The government of Nepal extremely discouraging of Raksi production and consumption, classifying it as a harmful alcoholic drink and promoting sterio-types of slogans like "(drinking Raksi is injurious to health), despite the fact that Raksi has multiple meanings in the indigeous world. The next generation of indigenous youngsters is being cut off from the traditional knowledge of Raksi production as they are brainwashed with such nonsense in schools. Some of the so-called educated indigenous pleople  putting themselves aside from Raksi practises and sophisticated to imitate the lifestyles of the Tea, Coffee, and Cola drinking cultures.


In summary, Raksi is a grain-based organic beverage. appropriate use of the liquor at the correct time, in the right volume, and in the right method, it may have a variety of meanings and benefits. I take great pride in the fact that Raksi is a well-known product of indigenous knowledge. It's unfortunate to hear that the Nepalese government has classified Raksi as a toxic beverage, and it's even worse to hear that so-called educated people are such a perception on Raksi  with out dept knowledge of multifunctional meaning of the Raksi among the indigenous communities.

 

 

What is Kuragraphy ?

Kuragraphy is unstructured, unscheduled informal/casual talk with the friends(after assimilation with the study population)  from the subject core in natural settings, more based on the headnotes and field diaries, though I will use a mobile recorder and camera as convenience in the situation.  
 

Kurã is a Nepali word, literally meaning casual/informal talk. Kuragraphy is a term used by the British anthropologist Robert R. Desjarlais (2003) as an ethnographic method for data generation.

I agree with Robert R. Desjarlais (2003) about the "deep hanging out" with interlocutors: drinking tea/coffee with them, shuffling cards, exchanging in wordplay, watching television, sharing work, attending festivals and rituals, noting appearances, talking and listening to the talk of others, thinking about that talk -- so much talk, it seems, so many words, so much Kura, to use a Nepali word -- depending on the context and any verb or modifier that accompanies it, either "talk," "thing," "matter," "opinion," "event," "problem," "price".

 
In "Kurgraphy," I'll keep track of the Kura's variations: "Kura- Kahni" (conversations), "Re-ko Kura" (hearsay), "Manko-ko Kura" (matters of the heart), "Bite-ka Kura" (matters of the past), "Bholi-ko Kura" (matters of the future), "Kura Garnu" (to converse with others) etc, The variation of Kura with different people, time, and context means the variation of the data. Even though we are talking about the same informants at different places, the data may differ with the different time and context, so I will say that the Kura with different informants will have a variety of data, and the same informant in a different time and context in which I can validate and cross-check the data.

Ref:

Desjarlais, Robert R. 2003.  Sensory Biographies: Lives and Deaths among Nepal's YolmoBuddhists. Berkeley: University of California Press. 

 

Promoting Allo products as a commodities of the global market

fieldwork 2017

The history of the indigenous knoledge Allo to comodities of the allo production started with the Koshi Hill Area Development Program (KHARDEP). In 1984, a workshop was held at Bala School Ground for 11 days to teach to local traditional allo waver and knitters to produce market based products. weave Allo cloth. Then, in 1988, the first official Allo Cloth Production Club opened in Shishuwatar, led by a group of women who could weave allo cloth (ACPC). The group also organises conferences and workshops on weaving, and has recently begun selling allo cloth on both the domestic and international markets.

fieldwork 2017

After 40 years of support from the ACPC, allo production develop into small cottage industries, product collection centres, and sales centres across the country. The increased production and marketing of allo have been helped along by a number of government, non-government, and private organisations. Revised and modified tools and techniques that make possible to produce in bigger volume than traditional.  The advent of semi-automatic tools like thread-pulling shuttles and redesigned looms that can roll woven fabric to produce more than 100 to 150 metres, were as the traditional loom that could weave no more than 2 to 5 metres at a time. Efforts are also being made to develop fully automated machines. According to the value chain report published by RRN in 2014, eighty percent of the total production is used to produce carpet, and the remaining twenty percent is used to produce allo clothing. The United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Canada, Italy, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Denmark, Finland, Japan, South Korea, and China are all regular destinations for Allo's exports.

Producers seems optimistic about the future of allo goods, increasing visitor and costumers at markets, fairs, exhibitions, and sales centers. The benefits of the allo products- skin care and heel the skin allergies, control the high blood pressure, protect from the bad souls and the like. It is also taken as the reasonably indigenous handicrafts. Before the commercialization the allo production was fully based on women, and the now male and female can be found in the allo cloth manufacturers. Through its expansion as a means of financial support and the promotion of allo products, the contribution to female empowerment and leadership.

Handicraft exhibition at Kathmandu, 2018

According to the production theory of globalisation, there are two distinct schools of thought among allo producers: those who they thought mass production with automatic machine and global marketing in the huge volume, and those who value unique specialisations like handicraft, and organic, chemical-free products. Resource scarcity for the raw material, Natural resource management politics may also have an impact on allo production, whether because of the ongoing debate over which cash crop, allo or cardamom, should be prioritised. The conflict between costumary right law, national forest law, and commercial laws, allo businessmen felt the constraint to market and better organise the allo product.

Last but not least, the traditional allo production and consumption have declined as a result of increased market access. The passing down of the knowledge required to weave allo cloth is complicated by the fact that modern influences have led younger generations to reject traditional practises. Allo's cultural values are being supplanted by market commodities among the Kulung. Allo, which is trendy as a means of subsistence, is evolving into a source of economic gain by becoming a distinct handicraft product in the global market of the present day, and social change is also apparent. If the government makes clear rules and laws for allo management, and production is encouraged and promoted, products from Nepal may find a better place on the global market.

Meaning of Allo in Kulung lifecycle rituals

Allo, a non-medicinal plant that grows in forests between 1200 and 3000 metres above sea level, is also known as "Jakhilma" in Kulung and "Bhangro/Bhangre Sisnu" in Nepali. In English, it is called as "giant nettle" and the scientific name is  Girardinia diversifolia, and it is a member of the Urtisia genus. It can be found densely distributed in more than 35 Nepalese Himalayan districts, as stated in RRN's value chain book from 2014 . Outside of Nepal, allo can be found in northern Pakistan, Kashmir, northwestern India, Sikkim, Bhutan, southern and eastern Tibet, Sri Lanka, northern Myanmar, China, and Malaysia.

A year old allo stem will be 5 to 7 feet tall with 16 to 20mm radius. Allo has mythical and practical meaning in lifecycle rituals for the Kulung community. The myth asserts that Ninmaridu was an expert weaver of Allo's yarn. The Kulung people harvest  Lokta (the Allo bark) from the jungle in the winter.   Lokata must cook for an entire night in the fire ash solution, then wash it in running water in the morning to remove the bark and collect the fibres. The fibre should be pasted with clay powder and allowed to dry at room temperature. To produce soft, golden-colored fiber, the clay must be removed from the fibre after it has dried completely. Kulungs  produce a variety of necessary materials from this cloth, such as yarn, including: clothing, fishing nets, bags, Dhokro, Damlo, rope, etc.

The significance of Allo in Kulung  rituals from birth to death, allo and products made from allo are required in the Kulung lifecycle rituals. Charles McDougalls, Dor Bahadur Bista, Janak Rai, Yograj Giri, and other anthropologists have noted that the Kulung caste and Allo have a close bond. Similar writings about the close ties between the Kulung  and Allo can be found in Dr. Hark Gurung's travelogue "Arun Bhayera Jharda" and Arun Upatya's folktales collected by Matrika Timsina.

 

According to these various articles and conversations I had with respondents during my fieldwork, the significance of rituals and rituals of the Kulung can be found in the following.

  1. birth—Kulung holds the opinion that a newborn should not be picked up until it begins to cry. The mother wraps the infant in an old allo cloth after giving it a hot bath. Allo dry leaf incense for burning. It is a custom to tie 'Buchhari' (kalli) of allo rope on the hands and feet and around the waist. Old allo cloth, incense, and bucharis are thought to protect the newborn from ghosts, evil spirits, and the evil eye. It is customary to finish the birth pollution with a ritual of Wanifam (the name giving ritual) for a son in 6 days and a daughter in 5 days.  
  2. Marriage: Stolen marriages, forced unions, voluntary unions, and inter-caste unions are common forms of marriage in the Kulung. Kulung has two marriages: the small wedding and Doplo Khuim (the big  wedding) rituals for the same copule to complete the marriage.  In a small wedding, the boy welcomes the bride by following tradition and marrying a girl. A Kulung girl can remain in her birth home for a few years, even after a wedding. She has to visit her husband's home for the important events and rituals.  Youngly married Kulung women's funeral rights still reside at their natal house. If the girl runs away from her husband during this time and marries a woman, the husband will not be entitled to any rights or compensation. Doplo Khuim - Kulung has a big wedding a few years into their marriage or following the birth of a child by a married couple. The Kulung  has given this marriage significant social and financial recognition. In this marriage, the husband has the authority to perform funeral rites in the event of the wife's death. In the case where a girl runs away from her husband, the husband has the right to compensation. Even though the expected functional function of allo is not found in the marriage rituals of the Kulung caste, the hidden functional significance is found. Before the market's expansion, it was necessary to make a living wearing homemade clothing. The ability of a girl from the Kulung caste was then thought to be measured by her aptitude for weaving. Or a girl would find a good family if she could weave good allo cloth.
  3. Nagi Puja :  The names Pakalung, Makalung, and Sembalung are given to the three hearth stones. Makalung and Sembalung are said to guard against negative influences, while Pakalung is said to bring good things into the home. Nagi come in two sizes: small nagi and big nagi. Small Nagi is regarded as being simple financially. Only family members gather and perform it annually. In comparison to a small Nagi, a large Nagi appears more expensive. inviting the village's elders, family members, and relatives as well. A pig, a chicken, 64 pieces of cotton thread, 22 bells, and 22 pieces of fine cotton cloth called lukpas are needed for this.
  4. death :  funaral ritual varries accoridng to death-  natural death, acident, death by nondiognosis desease, infant death and the like. Nasi is the funeral rites carried out for the normal death, and  "Hilsi" refers to the funeral rites carried out  for those who pass away by unnatural death. They examine the manner of death before taking the body far into the woods to burn or bury it.  The death rituals require allo, including covering the corpse with allo cloth, tying the corpse with allo thread, burning allo incense, and Kriyaputris wearing allo cloth.

 

THEORY


Photo Source: Google Image

In theory, we can explain how everything functions. It consists of clearly defined concepts, variables, hypotheses, assumptions, methodologies, and facts that have been proven inductively and deductively by academic means. The data supports the theory. Credible and trustworthy in a probe are academic assumptions derived inductively and communicated via persuasion, contemplative ideas, and cosmological perspectives. Extensive research that relates to the functioning of the systems is blended with the scientific ideas. Each new hypothesis is first developed using inductive reasoning, and then put to a deductive test to determine if it holds water. A theory is a body of scientific thought that is both factually and logically sound, and that is backed up by evidence. There are theoretical presumptions at work in each and every one of these models. Thus, it is a logically proven set of propositions with a clear definition. 

To explain and predict phenomena, theories are defined by F.N. Kerlinger as "a set of interrelated constructs, concepts, definitions, and propositions that present a systematic view of phenomena by specifying relations among variables." It's a theoretical framework that relies on interconnected variables to make sense of its assumptions. It's a way of describing the connections between pieces of information or the theoretical framework. Empirical facts are derived from a set of propositions that have a logical connection to one another. These worldviews are the result of a critical analysis of the cosmos. Commercialization of academic research is the source of this. There are robust parts to this theory. Those things are:

Thoughts

Thoughts on Thoughts It's a term used to describe a word or quality that aids in conveying an exact meaning to the reader. The word "evolution," for instance, is part of a very specific and well-defined vocabulary; it means slow, steady, and persistent change. Diffusion, conflict, postmodernism, trauma, and gender all have well-defined meanings. There can be no grey area when it comes to theoretical concepts. It is inductively extracted through scholarly activity. 

Variables

Variables It's just a fancy name for something that can be used in more than one way. The study's author clearly lays out a chain of events that led up to the observed results. Independent and dependent variables are analysed in order to pinpoint the causes. For instance, migration and economic deprivation are linked. It is poverty that forces people to migrate. Poverty increases as people move. Since poverty is dependent on emigration, the two concepts here are opposites: migration is autonomous, while poverty is dependent. 

Hypothesis

A hypothesis is a well-reasoned theory that has not yet been proven or disproved. This is a hypothesis that has not been verified. Cultural characteristics spread from their origins to the periphery just as a society develops from simple to complex. It's a theoretical framework that gives the researcher an advantage. It gives the researcher a set of rules to follow in their investigation. A lot of research is needed to confirm this sweeping generalisation. 

Assumptions 

The premises that are most like traits are called assumptions. Each theory is based on a set of assumptions that were developed over time and subjected to rigorous testing. Those are the defining characteristics of a given social phenomenon. In light of these assumptions, the theory becomes compelling, thought-provoking, and reasonable. Conflicts arise, for instance, when resources are distributed unfairly or exploited for personal gain.